Thursday, January 11, 2007

Dr. Zakir Husain



President of India during 1967-1969, Dr. Zakir Husain was an outstanding scholar who had contributed much to the popularization of the Gandhian scheme of the basic national education. The scheme was launched in 1938 and Dr. Husain was the President of the Hindustani Talimi Sangh, Sevagram (1938- 1948).He was first awarded Padma Vibhushan in 1954 and the Bharat Ratna in 1963. He had been the recipient of academic honors from various Indian Universities.

Tall, well built with an impressive personality, Dr. Zakir Husain was always associated with learning and culture. He was one of the founders of the Jamia Milia Islamia in New Delhi. He became its Vice Chancellor in the twenties. It was at the Jamia Milia that he developed his educational ideals.
Born at Hyderabad on February 8, 1897, Dr. Zakir Husain had his education in Uttar Pradesh. Later, he went to the University of Berlin in Germany and took doctorate in Economics in 1962. In 1948, Dr. Zakir Husain became the Vice Chancellor of the Aligarh Muslim University. He was also a member of the first Indian Universities Commission. He was a member of the Rajya Sabha. He was also a member of the Executive Board of UNESCO from 1956 to 1958. In 1962 he was elected Vice President of India. He became the third President of India on May 9, 1967. He passed away suddenly on May 3, 1969. Dr. Zakir Husain translated Plato's "Republic" into Urdu.

A nationalist of the Gandhian vintage, Dr. Husain held up the highest moral values and lived up to them. He believed in democracy with individual freedom and self discipline.

Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel



Vallabhbhai Patel was born on October 31, 1875, in a farmer's family in Nadiad, Gujarat. His father, Zaverbhai, had served in the army of Jhansi ki Rani, and his mother, Ladbai, was a deeply religious woman.
Vallabhbhai's initial schooling was in Gujarati. His brother Vithalbhai, after completing middle school, had enrolled himself in English tutorial classes in a nearby town. Vallabhbhai followed suit. Vallabhbhai's superior organizational skills became evident while he was in high school at Petlad when he coordinated the entire campaign for a poor teacher who he thought deserved a seat on the local municipal committee. Vallabhbhai persuaded his fellow students to work for the campaign. So impressively was the campaign handled that the teacher was elected over the rich local businessman. Vallabhbhai matriculated from Nadiad High School in 1897.

Vallabhbhai was married to Zaverbai in 1891. The couple had two children-a daughter Maniben, born in April of 1904, and a son Dayabhai, born in November of 1905. Zaverbai died in January of 1909.

Vallabhbhai sailed for England in August of 1910 to study law. He qualified as a barrister in 1913 and returned to India to a lucrative practice in Ahmedabad. He joined the Gujarat Club and took to western dressing and a comfortable lifestyle.

Gandhiji started coming to the Gujarat Club to give lectures. He came again and again, propagating the idea of his newly wielded weapon of "satyagraha" or truth force. Vallabhbhai was impressed with Gandhiji and slowly began to adopt his view. The relationship between Gandhiji and Vallabhbhai was concretely defined when Gandhiji was elected the President of the Gujarat Sabha and Vallabhbhai the Secretary, in 1917. It was a relationship of a guru (teacher) and disciple.
Vallabhbhai got his first opportunity to utilize Gandhiji's philosophy of satyagraha in 1918 for the farmers of Kaira who had lost their crops to heavy rains and floods that year. The government disregarded the farmers' misery and insisted on collecting land revenue. Vallabhbhai organized the No Tax campaign on peaceful, Gandhian lines. The government held out and began confiscating land and what little crops and cattle the farmers still had. Vallabhbhai, now decked in a dhoti, kurta and cap urged the farmers not to buckle. The government eventually relented and returned the confiscated property. This was the first victory of satyagraha for Vallabhbhai. He was jubilant.

Vallabhbhai took to spinning the charkha, boycotted foreign goods and clothes and burned his foreign possessions on public bonfires. He even discarded the western dresses he once so coveted. There was no stopping Vallabhbhai. He participated in the Nagpur flag satyagraha from May to August in 1923 in protest against the stopping of a procession which carried the national flag.

In 1928, Vallabhbhai once again came to the rescue of the farmers, this time it was in Bardoli, which was then a part of Surat district. The Government increased the tax on the land. Vallabhbhai urged the farmers not to pay, declaring the hike unjust. He prepared the farmers for satyagraha. The farmers refused to pay the tax hike. In retaliation, the Government confiscated their land, cattle and crops and arrested hundreds of farmers. There was a mass exodus from Bardoli to escape the Government's atrocities. The farmers that remained continued the satyagraha. Vallabhbhai told the farmers not to sell milk, vegetables and necessities to any person unless they produced a chit assigned by the local satyagraha committee. The "peaceful" war raged for six months. Finally Vithalbhai, Vallabhbhai's brother, who was President of the Central Legislative Assembly, brokered a comprise. The Government agreed to hold an inquiry into the justification of the tax hike, released the satyagrahis and returned all confiscated items back to the farmers. So pleased was Gandhiji with Vallabhbhai's effort that he gave him the title of "Sardar" or leader.
On March 12, 1930, Sardar Patel left for Dandi to prepare for Gandhiji's Salt satyagraha. He went to villages to organize for the food and lodging of the marchers. In every village he went, he made stirring speeches, rousing the people to join the march to Dandi. The Government swooped down and arrested him while he was in the village of Ras. This was Sardar Patel's first prison sentence. He was released after the Gandhi-Irwin pact of March 1931. That year he presided over the Congress session in Karachi.

Gandhiji sailed for London to attend the Round Table Conference in 1931. Sardar Patel regularly updated him on the situation in India. Ironically, the British Government in India stepped up repression just when the Conference was going on in London. Gandhiji was arrested on his return from the Conference. Sardar Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru were also imprisoned. Sardar Patel was imprisoned with Gandhiji in Yeravada Jail, Pune, where they spent 16 months together. While Sardar Patel was in jail, his mother and brother died. He refused to be released to attend to their last rites.

In 1937, elections for the provincial governments were held under the Government of India Act of 1935. Sardar Patel was elected Chairman to the Parliamentary Sub-Committee which was to select Congress candidates and organize the elections. Sardar Patel's hard work resulted in the Congress forming majority governments in most Provinces. All the Congress ministries resigned when the British arbitrarily included India in the war effort against Germany and Japan. Gandhiji planned an individual satyagraha to protest India's inclusion in the war without being consulted. Sardar Patel was among the first batch of leaders to offer satyagraha. Arrests of the participants followed.

On August 8, 1942, the Congress and Gandhiji passed the "Quit India" resolution, calling upon the British to withdraw from India. The Government responded with arrests of Sardar Patel, Jawaharlal Nehru, Gandhiji and other eminent Congress leaders. Sardar Patel was imprisoned in Ahmednagar Fort while Gandhiji was kept in Aga Khan Palace.

On March 23, 1946, the Labor Prime Minister of Britain arrived in India to assure independence for India. An Interim Government was proposed and Sardar Patel once again was asked to handle the campaign for the Congress. Again the Sardar delivered. The Congress won thumping majorities in almost all provinces. Jawaharlal Nehru became Prime Minister in September 1946 and Sardar Patel held the portfolios of Home and Information and Broadcasting. On August 15, 1947, India became free, but only after Pakistan was created.

When Pakistani infiltrators attacked Kashmir, Sardar Patel proposed withholding Pakistan's share of cash balances left by the British. Gandhiji felt such an act would be morally wrong and went on a fast unto death. Sardar Patel tried to prevail over Gandhiji, but he finally relented in order to save the life of the "Father of the Nation."

Sardar Patel handled the portfolio of Home Minister, Minister of States and Minister of Information and Broadcasting. As Home Minister he had to deal with communal disturbances that continued to rock the nation after partition. He transferred army units from Pune and Madras to deal with the disturbances in Delhi. He had the army move ten thousand Muslims to Red Fort to protect them from the riots.

Sardar Patel handled the integration of all the princely states into the Indian Union with great expertise. Under the Cabinet Mission, all the princely states had the right to join Pakistan, India or remain independent. The Sardar declared that "we are all knit together by bonds of blood and feelings... Therefore, it is better for us to make laws sitting together as friends." Sardar Patel dealt with Hyderabad and Junaghad firmly when these states tried to join Pakistan or remain independent. Gandhiji was full of praise.

As time passed, differences in opinion formed between Sardar Patel and Jawaharlal Nehru. Gandhiji wanted both to work together for the betterment of India. On January 30, 1948, Sardar Patel met Gandhiji who expressed his wish that Sardar Patel work side by side with Nehru. The same day Gandhiji was assassinated. Sardar Patel was crushed. He was further hurt when he was criticized for not protecting Gandhiji. Sardar Patel wanted to post plain-cloth policemen at the Gandhiji's prayer meetings, but Gandhiji had forbidden it. After Gandhiji's death, Sardar Patel acted as Gandhiji had wished and worked closely with Nehru.

Sardar Patel formed the Indian Administrative Service, Indian Police Service and other Central Services to assist in the process of nation building. The "Iron Man of India" died in Bombay in December 1950. He left behind a united India.

Vinoba Bhave


Acharya Vinoba Bhave was a scholar, saint, man of God, moral tribune, a beacon of hope and solace to millions in India and abroad. He was Mahatma Gandhi's spiritual successor.

Vinobaji was born in a village in Maharashtra's Kolaba district on September 11, 1895. He was drawn to Mahatma Gandhi and his unique "Weaponless War" as a youth.
Like Mahatmaji, Vinobaji also was very much ahead of his time. His Bhoodan (Gift of Land), Sampattidan (Gift of Wealth), Jeevadan (Gift of Life) and other movements are logical extensions of Gandhiji's program of national reconstruction.

Vinobaji was one of the greatest scholar-saints thrown up by the modern Indian renaissance. His talks on the Bhagvad Gita delivered in jail are innovative and inspiring.

Though he had a marvelous memory and was a student by nature, he had devoted the largest part of his time to spinning in which he specialized. He believed in universal spinning being the central activity which would remove the poverty in the villages.
He abolished every trace of untouchability from his heart. He believed in communal amity. In order to know the best mind of Islam he gave one year to the study of Koran in the original. He, therefore, learnt Arabic. He found this study necessary for cultivating contact with the Muslims living in the neighborhood.

The Padayatra (journey) of Vinobaji, which was part of his Bhoodan movement now belongs to history. It was a demonstration of Gandhian doctrine of Trusteeship.

Of the many teachings of the Gita which Vinobaji highlighted in his talks, one of the most important was the role of self-help. "The Gita is prepared to go to the lowest, the weakest and the least cultured of men. And it goes to him not to keep him where he is, but to grasp him by the hand and lift him up. The Gita wishes that man should make his action pure and attain the highest state."

Vinobaji passed away at Paunar on November 17, 1982. He was posthumously honored with the Bharat Ratna Award in 1984

Tantya Tope


Tantya Tope (1814 - 1859)(pronounced Toh-pey), also known as Ram Chandra Pandurang, was an Indian leader in the Indian rebellion of 1857.

Born in at village Yeola in Maharashtra, he was the son of Pandurang Rao Tope, an important noble at the court of the Maratha Peshwa Baji Rao II. His father shifted his family with the ill-fated Peshwa to Bithur where his son became the most intimate friend of the Peshwa's adopted son, Nana Dhondu Pant (known as Nana Sahib) and Maharaja Madhav Singhji.

In 1851, when Lord Dalhousie deprived Nana Sahib of his father's pension, Tantya Tope also became a sworn enemy of the British. In May 1857, when the political storm was gaining momentum, he won over the Indian troops of the East India Company, stationed at Kanpur (Cawnpore), established Nana Sahib's authority and became the Commander-in-Chief of his forces.

After the reoccupation of Kanpur and separation from Nana Sahib, Tantya Tope shifted his headquarters to Kalpi to join hands with the Rani Lakshmi Bai and led a revolt in Bundelkhand. He was routed at Betwa, Koonch, and Kalpi, but reached Gwalior and declared Nana Sahib as Peshwa with the support of the Gwalior contingent. Before he could consolidate his position he was defeated by Hugh Henry Rose, 1st Baron Strathnairn in a memorable battle in which Rani Lakshmi Bai was killed leading her forces against the British assault on Gwailor.

After losing Gwalior to the British, he launched a successful guerrilla campaign in the Sagar and Narmada regions and in Khandesh and Rajasthan. The British forces failed to subdue him for over a year. He was, however, betrayed into the hands of the British by his trusted friend Man Singh, Chief of Narwar, while asleep in his camp in the Paron forest. He was captured and taken to Shivpuri where he was tried by a military court and executed at the gallows on April 18, 1859. There is a statue of Tantya Tope at the site of his execution near present collectorate in Shivpuri town in Madhya Pradesh.

Surendranath Banerjea



Surendranath Banerjea was the President of the Indian National Congress twice, in 1895 and 1902. He was largely responsible in canalizing the energy of the youth of Bengal to the service of the Motherland. He founded the Indian Association on July 26, 1876, which he wanted to be the center of an all-India political movement. He was the editor of a paper called "Bengalee" from 1878 and wrote with fervor and without fear on the subject of national interest with emphasis on freedom, unity and culture.Surendranath Banerjea was a member of the Calcutta Corporation (1876-99) and a member of the Indian Legislative Council. He was an ardent advocate of social reform including widow remarriage and the raising of the age of marriage of girls.

Born on November 19, 1848, Surendranath Banerjea had his early education in Calcutta. He appeared for the Indian Civil Service Examination in London and started his career in 1871 as an Assistant Magistrate. He had to leave the service on his dismissal on a flimsy charge. He went back to England and prepared himself for his future career as a national leader. He was a gifted orator and writer.Returning to India in June, 1875 Surendranath started his career as a Professor in English. Later, he started a college called Ripon College, now named after him. "He took full advantage of his teaching profession to make the Indian students inspired with a new patriotic spirit."

Surendranath Banerjea passed away in 1925.

Sukhdev


Sukhdev (15th May 1907 - March 23, 1931) was an Indian revolutionary. He is best known as an accomplice of Bhagat Singh and Shivaram Rajguru in the killing of a British police officer in 1928 in order to take revenge for the death of veteran leader Lala Lajpat Rai due to excessive police beating. All three were convicted of the crime and hanged in Lahore Central Jail on March 23, 1931

Sukhdev was an active memeber of the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association, being one of the senior most leaders. He is known to have started study circles at National College (Lahore) in order to delve into India's past as well as to scrutinize the finer aspects of the Russian Revolution. He also participated in the 1929 Prison hunger strike to protest against the inhumane treatment meted out to the inmates. His letter to Mahatma Gandhi written just prior to his hanging, protesting against the latter's disapproval of revolutionary tactics, throws light on the disparities between the two majors schools of thought among Indian freedom fighers.

However, Hansraj Vohra, the man who gave the clinching testimony that resulted in the hanging of the trio, claimed that Sukhdev had himself turned an approver.

Nevertheless, this relatively baseless contention does not detract from the tremendous courage, patriotism and self-sacrifice that Sukhdev Thapar embodifies, as is evident in the recent naming of a school after him, in his native Ludhiana (city in Punjab)..

Shivaram Rajguru



Hari Shivaram Rajguru (1908 - March 23, 1931) was an Indian revolutionary. He is best known as an accomplice of Bhagat Singh and Sukhdev in the killing of a British police officer in 1928 in order to take revenge for the death of veteran leader Lala Lajpat Rai due to excessive police beating. All three were convicted of the crime and hanged on March 23, 1931.

Rajguru was hiding in Nagpur. He met Dr. K. B. Hedgewar and was hiding in one of the RSS worker's house. But after some days he went to Pune and later was arrested there.

For more information on the events leading up to the killing, read about Lala Lajpat Rai's death

Senapati Bapat

India's freedom fighters seem to have come from all walks of life and from many varied backgrounds. Of those freedom fighters one stands out as a man who had only one goal and only one vision. His fight centered not on the issue of whether to use violence or not in the struggle, nor was he too concerned about how the new India was to be governed. His goal in life was to see a free India by any means possible.

If bombs and guns brought him closer to that goal then they were good. If Gandhiji's methods of non-violence brought India closer to freedom than the methods that Senapati Bapat espoused. He was born in Ahmednagar, a district of Maharashtra, on November 12, 1880. He was fearless as a child. Having once almost drowned in a nearby stream, he didn't think twice of venturing into the stream again. He brought this same dedication and fearlessness to the aide of his motherland.

Bapat was educated in Edinburgh, Scotland, because he lost a scholarship he had received from the British Government, for expressing anti-British views at a meeting of the Independent Labor Party. Despite the loss of the scholarship he continued his studies abroad, and came home with preliminary knowledge of how to build bombs. Armed with this knowledge he planned to join other revolutionaries to use it against the British Government, not in an attempt to kill innocent victims, but to draw attention to the cause of freedom. There were others whose opinions differed, and soon a fatal bomb attack, in which he was accused of indirect involvement, resulted in his going underground. He took this opportunity to travel around the country he was working so hard to free.

During these travels the realization came to him that the vast majority of Indians had yet to realize that they were under foreign rule. Thereafter his focus shifted from overthrowing the government, to educating the masses regarding the foreign government. For four years he eluded the British officials and worked towards this new goal. The British government caught up with him because of a tip-off from one of his friends regarding his location.

This was to be the first of three trips to jail for Bapat. The second came shortly after his release when he went to fight for the rights of those whose homes were threatened by a Dam project. Bapat repeatedly stopped work on the dams by uprooting rail lines that were being planted to move lumber and equipment to use during construction. For this act he turned himself in and was sentenced to 7 years imprisonment. His final trip to jail was a result of defying orders not to speak at a public gathering held by Netaji Subash Chandra Bose.

On August 15, 1947 when India was declared free, Jawaharlal Nehru raised the Indian flag in Delhi for the first time. Senapati Bapat was given the same honor in Pune. After independence Senapati Bapat took an active part in political life. He passed away on November 28, 1967 at the age of 87

Ram Prasad Bismil



Ramprasad Bismil was one of the great Indian freedom fighters, who also participated in the Kakori train robbery. He was also a great poet and has written several inspiring verses. He was prosecuted by the British Government in India. Ramaprasad Bismil joined the select band of martyrs who dreamt of a free India and made the supreme sacrifice, so that the dream might come true. Bismil, along with stalwarts like Ashfaqulla Khan, Chandrasekhar Azad, Bhagawati Charan, Rajguru and others organised several upheavals against the British. They printed literature, provided shelter to revolutionaries, made hand bombs and were a constant source of headache to the British Government. Most famous of them are best rememberd for the Kakori train robbery and the bombing of the Punjab assembly.

'Bismil' is the penname of Ramaprasad. As 'Bismil' he is well known as a great revolutionary poet in Hindi. At the end of his autobiography, he has reproduced some selected poems. Every line of his poems throbs with patriotic fervour.

In one poem he prays: "Even if I have to face death a thousand times for the sake of my Motherland, I shall not be sorry. Oh Lord! Grant me a hundred births in Bharath. But grant me this, too, that each time I may give up my life in the service of the Mother land."

In a poem written just before going to the gallows, he prays: "Oh Lord! Thy will be done. You are unique. Neither my tears nor I will endure. Grant me this boon, that to my last breath and the last drop of my blood, I may think of you and be immersed in your work."

Ram prasad Bismil was a brave revolutionary who gave up his life smilingly for the sake of the Motherland. He was persecuted by an enraged foreign government, hunted by the police and betrayed by follow workers. And yet he lit the fire of revolution to burn down the slavery. He was the brave leader of the Kakori Rail Dacoity episode. His poetry is also a lamp lighted at the altar of the Mother land. Kakori is a village near Lucknow. It became famous, because the attack on the train took place near by..
.It was the evening of the 9th of August 1925; the number eight down train was passing near Kakori. Ram prasad and his nine revolutionary followers pulled the chain and stopped it. They looted the money belonging to the government, deposited in the Guard's carriage. Excepting that one passenger was killed by an accidental shot, there was no bloodshed.

This extremely well planned dacoity jolted the government. After a month of detailed preliminary inquiries and elaborate preparations the government cast its net wide for the revolutionaries. Arrest warrants were issued not only against the ten participants but also against other leaders of the Hindusthan Republican Association. With the lone exception of Chandrashekhar Azad, all participants were caught.

The case went on for over a year and a half, Ram prasad, Ashfaqullah Roshan Singh and Rajendra Lahiri all four were sentenced to death, A strong campaign was organized throughout India to save the lives of these revolutionary heroes. All the leaders of public life appealed to the British Government to show mercy to the condemned men. But the Government was unyielding.


It was the 18th of December 1927. A middle-aged lady was waiting at the main gates of the Gorakhpur Central Jail. Her face was radiant but anxiety was writ large on it. She was eagerly waiting to be called into the prison.

By that time her husband also arrived there. He was surprised that his wife was there before him. He also sat down to wait for the call.

Another young man came there. He was not related to them. He knew that the couple would be permitted to enter the prison.But how could he manage to enter? This was his problem.

The officials of the prison called in the husband and the wife. The young man followed them. The guard stopped him and rudely asked, "Who are you?"

"Permit him also, brother. He is my sister's son", the lady said in an entreating voice. The guard relented.

All the three entered the prison to visit a freedom fighter that was to face his death on the morrow. The freedom fighter was brought there in chains. They were like ornaments on him. This was the last time that he could see his mother, the last time he could address her as 'Mother'. At this thought grief welled up in him. He stood speechless and tears rolled down his cheeks.

In a firm voice the mother said, 'What is this, my son? I had thought of my son as a great hero. I was thinking that the British Government would shiver at the very mention of his name. I never thought that my son would be afraid of death. If you can die only in this way, weeping, why did you take up such activities?"

The officials were astounded at the firmness of the mother. The freedom fighter replied, "Mother dear, these are not tears of fear - the fear of death. These are tears of joy - joy at beholding so brave as mother!"

The brave son of that brave mother was Ramaprasad Bismil. He was the leader of the famous Kakori Rail Dacoity case.

The last meeting ended.

Next morning Ramaprasad got up earlier than usual, bathed and said his morning prayers. He wrote his last letter to his mother. Then he sat down with a calm mind awaiting his death.

The officials came and removed his chains. They took him from the prison cell-towards his death.

He was completely untroubled and walked like a hero. The officials were amazed. As he moved to the gallows he joyfully chanted Vande Matharam' and 'Bharath Matha ki Jai'. At the top of his voice he shouted down with the British Empire." Then he calmly recited prayers like 'Vishwani deva savithaha dunithani.... And embraced death.

As he was being executed, there was a strong guard around the prison. When he was dead the officials brought out the dead body. Not only his parents but also hundreds of his countrymen were waiting in tears.The people of Gorakhpur deco rated the body of the brave son of Bharath as befitted a hero and carried it in a procession. Flowers were showered on the body, and the last rites were performed.

Ramaprasad Bismil joined the select band of martyrs who dreamt of a free India and made the supreme sacrifice, so that the dream might come true.

Rash Behari Bose


Rash Behari was born on May 25, 1886, in Palara-Bighati (Hoogly) village. His mother passed away in 1889 when Rash Behari was still a baby. He was brought up thereafter by his maternal aunt Vama Sundari.

Rash Behari's was initially educated at Subaldaha under the supervision of his grandfather, Kalicharan, and later in Dupleix College at Chandernagore. At the time Chandernagore was under French rule thus, Rash Behari was influenced by both British and French culture. The French Revolution of 1789 had a deep impact on Rash Behari. Rash Behari was not a very attentive student. He was a day-dreamer, his mind preoccupied with revolutionary ideas. He was more interested in his physical prowess than his studies.

Rash Behari got hold of a well-known revolutionary novel called "Ananda Math (Abbey of Bliss)" written by noted Bengali novelist, poet and thinker, Bankim Chandra Chatterjee. Rash Behari also read the famous Bengali poet, Navin Sen's, Plasir Yudha, a collection of patriotic poems. In course of time he read other revolutionary books. He read nationalistic speeches by orator and revolutionary, Surendranath Banerjea, and Swami Vivekananda. In Chandernagore, his teacher Charu Chand, a man of radical ideas, inspired Rash Behari along revolutionary lines.

Rash Behari did not get a chance to complete college because his uncle got him a job at Fort William. From there he transferred to the Government press in Shimla on his father's wish. He was appointed the copy-holder in the press and was able to master English and typewriting. After some time he moved to the Pasteur Institute in Kasauli. Rash Behari was not happy with these jobs.

On a colleague's advice, Rash Behari went to Dehra Dun as a guardian tutor in the house of Pramantha Nath Tagore. He got a clerical post at the Dehra Dun Forest Research Institute where through hard work, Rash Behari became a head-clerk.

The partition of Bengal in 1905 and the events that followed in its wake drew Rash Behari headlong into revolutionary activities. Rash Behari concluded that the Government would not yield without revolutionary action on the part of the patriots. He started gearing up his revolutionary activities under the guidance of Jatin Banerjee, an eminent revolutionary leader. Rash Behari made Benaras one of his headquarters. Propaganda among the Indian soldiers was taken up with a view to including them in a rebellion all over northern India. Contacts were established with Indian soldiers from Dinapore to Jalandher cantonment. The plan was that on the night of February 21, 1915, the Indian sepoys would attack the English soldiers. At the same time telegraph wires would be cut, the treasury looted and prisoners released. Accomplishing this the revolutionaries would meet in Lahore. A spy, Kirpal Singh, secretly communicated the date to the police. As soon as this was known the date was changed to February 19. Kirpal Singh was under strict vigilance but he managed to send word of the change of plans to the police. The Government swooped down and arrested the suspects. Rash Behari managed to escape.

Rash Behari planned the attempt on Lord Harding's life, Viceroy to India. On December 23, 1912, Lord Harding was to make his entry into Delhi in a procession. At 11.45am the procession reached Dhulya Katra in Chandni Chowk. A bomb ripped through the procession. The Viceroy escaped, but the man to his right in his howdah was killed and 20 spectators were injured. In the ensuing man-hunt Master Amir Chand, Avadh Behari and Bal Mukund were arrested and hanged in Delhi jail. The Maulana Azad Medical College is located at the site of the old jail. The portion where the hanging took place is preserved and every year people gather to pay homage to the martyrs. Basanta Viswas, who threw the bomb disguised as a lady, was hanged in Ambala jail. Rash Behari averted arrest owing to a clever disguise. The event, as observed by Sir Valentine Chirol, had a "tremendous effect on the subsequent revolutionary activities."

Rash Behari remained on the move from Punjab to Uttar Pradesh to Bengal in different disguises. A police officer noted that Rash Behari could have been a "great stage actor" instead of a revolutionary if he so desired.

In the mean time Rash Behari came in contact with the Ghadar Party, and revolutionaries like Sachin Sanyal, Pingley and Satyen Sen and began planning an another armed uprising. The Ghadar Party was established in 1913 in U.S.A. by expatriate Indians who were sympathetic toward India's struggle. Sachin Sanyal was Rash Behari's right-hand man. He formed the Hindustan Republican Association and emerged as a great leader of the revolutionaries. The plan for the armed uprising was discovered. Sanyal was arrested and awarded transportation for life under the Benaras Conspiracy Case. Pingley, a Maharashtrian, was arrested with some bombs in 1915 and was executed. Rash Behari decided to leave India for Japan. He went to Benaras and stayed with Swami Vidyanand of Sandhya in a math.

Rash Behari left Calcutta on May 12, 1915. He went to Japan as Raja P.N.T. Tagore, a distant relative of Rabindranath Tagore. Some historians say that Rabindranath Tagore was aware of this impersonation. Rash Behari reached Singapore on May 22, 1915 and Tokyo in June. Between 1915 and 1918, Rash Behari lived almost like a fugitive, changing his residence 17 times. During this period he met Herambalal Gupta and Bhagwan Singh of the Ghadar Party. Japan was an ally of Britain's in the First World War and tried to extradite Rash Behari and Herambalal from Japan. Herambalal escaped to U.S.A. and Rash Behari ended his hide and seek by becoming a Japanese citizen. He married Tosiko, daughter of the Soma family who were sympathetic toward Rash Behari's efforts. The couple had two children, a boy, Masahide, and a girl, Tetaku. Tosiko died in March 1928 at the age of 28

Rash Behari learned Japanese and became a journalist and writer. He took part in many cultural activities and wrote many books in Japanese, explaining India's viewpoints. It was due to Rash Behari's efforts that a conference was help in Tokyo from March 28 to 30, 1942, for discussion on political issues. Another conference was held in Bangkok from June 15 to 23, 1942, where Rash Behari hoisted the Indian tri-color and inaugurated the Indian Independence League.

Rash Behari gained prominence during World War II. He, with the help of Captain Mohan Singh and Sardar Pritam Singh, formed the Indian National Army (I.N.A.) on September 1, 1942. Rash Behari was elected President and later gave Supreme Command of the I.N.A. to Subash Chandra Bose in 1943. Rash Behari expired before the end of World War II, on January 21, 1945.

Dr. Rajendra Prasad


Dr. Rajendra Prasad, son of Mahadev Sahai, was born in Zeradei village in Bihar on December 3, 1884. Being the youngest in a large joint family "Rajen" was greatly loved and was strongly attached to his mother and elder brother Mahendra. Zeradei's population was cosmopolitan in nature and the people lived together in happiness and harmony. Rajendra Prasad's earliest memories are playing "kabaddi" with his Hindu and Muslim friends. Rajen was married when he was barely 12 years old to Rajvanshi Devi.

Rajen was a brilliant student throughout school and college. He stood first in the entrance examination of the University of Calcutta and was awarded a Rs. 30 per month scholarship. It was first time that a student from Bihar had excelled. He joined the Calcutta Presidency College in 1902.

The partition of Bengal in 1905 fueled the swadeshi and boycott movements. The movements had a deep effect on students in Calcutta. One day, residents of his hostel created a bonfire of all the foreign clothings they had. When Rajen went through his belongings he could not find a single item of foreign clothing.

Gopal Krishna Gokhale had started the Servants of India Society in 1905 and asked Rajen to join. So strong was his sense of duty toward his family and education that he, after much deliberation, refused Gokhale, one of the greatest nationalists of the time. Rajen recalled, "I was miserable" and for the first time in his life he barely got through his B.L. examinations.

In 1915, Rajen passed the Masters in Law examination with honors, winning a gold medal. He then completed his Doctorate in Law to attain the title, Dr. Rajendra Prasad.
While Gandhiji was on a fact finding mission in Chamaparan district of Bihar, he called on Rajendra Prasad to come to Champaran with volunteers. Dr. Prasad rushed to Champaran. Initially he was not impressed with Gandhiji's appearance or conversation. That night, while Gandhiji sat up writing letters to the Viceroy, and Indian leaders. While he prepared his court statement he asked Dr. Prasad and his followers what they would do if Gandhiji was arrested and put in prison. A volunteer jokingly said that they would all just have to go home! Dr. Prasad was deeply moved by the dedication, conviction and courage that Gandhiji displayed. Here was a man alien of the parts, who had made the cause of the people of Champaran his cause.

A court notice was served to Gandhiji. He declared that he had disobeyed the order to leave Champaran in obedience to the highest law he knew, "the voice of conscience." The case against Gandhiji was dropped. He, along with his volunteers was allowed to complete their inquiry and the Governments of Bihar and Orissa passed an Act to alleviate the burden on the peasant based on the report compiled by Gandhiji and his volunteers. From that point onward, Dr. Prasad became Gandhiji's dedicated follower.

Gandhiji's influence greatly altered many of Dr. Prasad's views, most importantly, on untouchability. Gandhiji made Dr. Prasad realize that when the nation was working for a common cause, they "became of one caste, namely the caste of co-workers." Dr. Prasad immediately simplified his already simple life. He reduced the number of servants he had to one. He no longer felt shame in sweeping the floor, or washing his own utensils.

Whenever the people suffered, Dr. Prasad was present to help reduce the pain. In 1914 floods ravaged Bihar and Bengal. Dr. Prasad became a volunteer distributing food and cloth to the flood victims. In 1934, Bihar was shaken by an earthquake. The quake caused immense damage and loss of property. The quake was followed by floods and an outbreak of malaria. Dr. Prasad dove right in with relief work, collecting food, clothes and medicine. In 1935, an earthquake hit Quetta. Dr. Prasad was not allowed to lend a hand because of Government restrictions. He did not rest. He set up relief committees in Sind and Punjab for the homeless victims that flocked there.

Dr. Prasad was shocked by the Government atrocities at Jallianwalla Bagh. He called for non-cooperation in Bihar as part of Gandhiji's non-cooperation movement. Dr. Prasad gave up his law practice and started a National College near Patna, 1921. The college was later shifted to Sadaqat Ashram on the banks of the Ganga. The non-cooperation movement in Bihar spread like wildfire. Dr. Prasad toured the state, holding public meeting after another, collecting funds and galvanizing the nation for a complete boycott of all schools, colleges and Government offices. He urged the people to take to spinning and wear only khadi. Bihar and the entire nation was taken by storm, the people responded to the leaders' call. The machinery of the mighty British Raj was coming to a grinding... halt.
The Government utilized the one and only option at its disposal-force. Mass arrests were made. Lala Lajpat Rai, Jawaharlal Nehru, Deshbandhu Chittranjan Das and Maulana Azad were arrested. Then it happened. Peaceful non- cooperation turned to violence in Chauri Chaura, Uttar Pradesh. In light of the events at Chauri Chaura, Gandhiji suspended the civil disobedience movement. The entire nation was hushed. A murmur of dissent began within the brass of the Congress. Gandhiji was criticized for what was called the "Bardoli retreat." Dr. Prasad stood by his mentor, seeing the wisdom behind Gandhiji's actions. Gandhiji did not want to set a precedent of violence for free India. In March 1930, Gandhiji launched the Salt Satyagraha. He planned to march from Sabarmati Ashram to Dandi seashore to break the salt laws. A salt satyagraha was launched in Bihar under Dr. Prasad. Nakhas Pond in Patna was chosen as the site of the satyagraha. Batch after batch of volunteers courted arrest while making salt. Many volunteers were injured. Dr. Prasad called for more volunteers. Public opinion forced the Government to retract the police and allow the volunteers to make salt. Dr. Prasad sold the manufactured salt to raise funds. He was sentenced to six months imprisonment.

In 1934, Dr. Prasad's elder brother, Mahendra died. Rajen was deeply affected and he turned to the Gita to seek solace.

Dr. Prasad presided over the Bombay session of the Indian National Congress in October 1934. Following the resignation of Subhash Chandra Bose as the President of the Congress in April 1939, Dr. Prasad was elected President. He did his best to heal the rifts created between the incompatible ideology of Subhash Chandra Bose and Gandhiji. Rabindranath Tagore wrote to Dr. Prasad, "I feel assured in my mind that your personality will help to soothe the injured souls and bring peace and unity into an atmosphere of mistrust and chaos..."

As the freedom struggle progressed, the dark shadow of communalism which had always lurked in the background, steadily grew. To Dr. Prasad's dismay communal riots began spontaneously burst all over the nation and in Bihar. He rushed from one scene to another to control the riots. Independence was fast approaching and so was the prospect of partition. Dr. Prasad, who had such fond memories of playing with his Hindu and Muslim friends in Zeradei, now had the misfortune of witnessing the nation being ripped into two.

On August 15, 1947 India was free. Earlier, a Constituent Assembly was formed in July 1946, to frame the Constitution of India and Dr. Rajendra Prasad was elected its President. On November 26, 1946 the Constitution of India was completed and accepted by the people of India. On January 26, 1950, the Constitution was ratified and Dr. Rajendra Prasad was elected the first President of India. Dr. Prasad transformed the regal splendor of Rashtrapati Bhavan into an elegant "Indian" home. Dr. Prasad visited many countries on missions of goodwill. He stressed for peace in a nuclear age. In 1962, after 12 years as President, Dr. Prasad retired. He was awarded the highest civilian award of India, the Bharat Ratna. Dr. Prasad authored many books including his autobiography "Atmakatha" (1946), "Satyagraha at Champaran" (1922), "India Divided" (1946), "Mahatma Gandhi and Bihar, Some Reminisences" (1949), and "Bapu ke Kadmon Mein" (1954).

Dr. Prasad spent the last few months of his life at the Sadaqat Ashram in Patna. He died on February 28, 1963.

Purushottam Das Tandon



Purushottam Das Tandon is one of the patriarchal figures of the Indian National Congress. He presided over the Congress session in Nasik in 1950. He was a staunch champion of Hindi as a national language. and believed in upholding Hindu ideals. He was deeply religious and had considerable influence over the religious sect called the Radhasoamis. He emphasized the essential oneness of Hindu-Muslim culture in spite of palpable differences.Born on August 1, 1882, Tandon had his education in Lahore. He entered the legal profession in 1906. He joined the Congress in 1899 even as a student. He was associated with the Congress committee which inquired into the Jallianwalla Bagh incident. He was imprisoned in 1928 for active participation in the non-cooperation movement. He was imprisoned again during the Civil Disobedience Movement in 1930.From 1932 onwards he was imprisoned a number of times for organizing peasant movements. In 1937-38 and again in 1945 he presided over the Utter Pradesh Legislature as Speaker with great distinction. He was elected to the Lok Sabha in 1952 and the Rajya Sabha in 1956. He retired from active politics in 1956. The Bharat Ratna was conferred upon him on 1961. He passed away in July 1, 1961

Mangal Pandey



Mangal Pande (born (presumably): July 19, 1827, died: 8 April 1857),
Also known as Shaheed Mangal Pande (Shaheed means martyr in Arabic and Hindustani), was a sepoy (soldier) in the 34th Regiment of the Bengal Native Infantry (BNI) of the British East India Company.

Pande was born in the village of Nagwa in district Ballia, Uttar Pradesh. There is some dispute over his exact place of birth. One account (Misra, 2005, see below) claims that Mangal Pandey was born in a Bhumihar brahmin family to Divakar Pandey of Surhupur village of Faizabad district’s Akbarpur Tehsil. He joined the British East India Company forces in 1849 at the age of 22, as per this account. Pandey was part of 5th Company of the 34th BNI regiment. He is primarily known for attacking his British officers in an incident that sparked what is known to the British as the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857 and to Indians as the First War of Indian Independence.

Since the attack was not a result of personal grudges but rather driven by ideological (religious/patriotic) motives, in India Pande is widely considered to be the First Warrior in India's long struggle for independence from the British rule. Some contemporary accounts suggest that Pande was under the influence of bhang (cannabis) at the time of this incidence. This claim however should be treated with a certain degree of reservation as it is not based on independent accounts. Moreover, this claim, even if true, does not rule out the possibility that Mangal Pandey could have been harboring a general grudge against the British rule in India that came to fore while under the influence of a drug. A further proof of his non-personal motives is delivered by accounts of British officers present at the scene. They recorded in numerous books that Pande used four-letter words for the British in general and incited his comrades to rise against the company rule..
.At Barrackpore (now Barrackpur), near Calcutta on March 29, 1857, Pande attacked and injured his British sergeant on the parade ground, and wounded an adjutant with a sword after shooting at him, but instead hitting the adjutant's horse. He was however attacked by a native soldier called Shaikh Paltu who prevented him from killing the adjutant and later the sergant-major.

When General Joyce Hearsay ordered the Jemadar of the troops, a man called Ishari Pande, to arrest him, the Jemadar refused, as did the rest of the company except Shaikh Paltu. Mangal then turned the gun against himself, and used his foot to try to pull the trigger to shoot himself.

He failed, was captured and sentenced to death along with the Jemadar. Mangal Pandey was hanged on April 8. His execution was scheduled for April 18, but he was summarily executed 10 days prior to the date, fearing the possibility of a larger-scale revolt. The Jemadar Ishari Pandey was executed on April 22. The whole regiment was dismissed "with disgrace" on 6th May as a collective punishment, because it was felt that they harboured ill-feelings against their superiors. Other sepoys of the Bengal Army thought this was a harsh punishment. Shaikh Paltu was promoted on the spot to the post of a Havaldar (native sergant) by General Hearsay
The primary motivation behind Mangal's behavior is attributed to a new type of bullet cartridge used in the Enfield P-53 rifle introduced in the Bengal Army that year.

The cartridge was rumored to be greased with animal fat (primarily pig and cow fat, which are not consumed by either Hindus or Muslims, the primary religions in the Bengal Army) [1]. The cartidges had to be bitten to remove the cover, and that was abhorrent to the soldiers [2]. The general feeling was that this was intentional on the part of the British, to defile their religions.

Commandant Wheler of the 34th BNI was known as a zealous Christian preacher, and this may also have impacted the Company's behaviour. The husband of Captain Wilma Halliday of 56th BNI had the Bible printed in Urdu and Nagri and distributed among the sepoys, thus convincing them that the British were intent on converting them to Christianity [3].

Also, the 19th and 34th Bengal Native Infantry were stationed at Lucknow during the time of annexation of Awadh (anglicised to Oudh) under the Doctrine of Lapse on February 7, 1856.

The annexation had another implication for sepoys in the Bengal Army (a significant portion of whom came from that princely state). Before the annexation these sepoys had the right to petition the British Resident at the Awadh in Lucknow for justice - a significant privilege in the context of native courts. As a result of the annexation they lost that right, since that state no longer existed. Moreover, this action was seen by the residents of Awadh as an upfront by the British, as the annexation was done in violation of an existing treaty.

Thus, it was quite natural that sepoys were affected by the general discontent which was aroused with the annexation. In February 1857, both these regiments were situated in Barrakpur.

The 19th Regiment is important because it was the regiment charged with testing the new cartridges on February 26, 1857. The sepoys in that regiment refused, when ordered to fire [4]. The whole regiment was dismissed with dishonour from service in order to post an exemplary punishment.
The Enfield Rifle & Cartridge
The P-53 was officially known as the Pattern 1853 Enfield Rifle Musket. Introduced in the British Army by the War Department during 1854 in the Crimean War, they proved very effective at a range of 50 to 300 yards. It was introduced in the Bengal Army by the East India Company in early-1857.

The rifle used a Metford-Pritchitt cartridge that required the use of a heavy paper tube containing 2 1/2 drams (68 grains) of musket powder and a 530-grain, pure lead bullet. As the bullet incorporated no annular grease rings like the French and American minié ball bullets introduced in 1847, it was wrapped with a strip of greased paper to facilitate loading. The cartridge itself was covered with a thin mixture of beeswax and mutton tallow for waterproofing.

To load his rifle, the sepoy had to first bite off the rear of the cartridge to pour the powder down the barrel. he then inverted the tube (the projectile was placed in the cartridge base up), pushed the end-portion into the muzzle to the approximate depth of the bullet and tore off the remaining paper. The bullet could then be easily rammed on top of the charge.

Since Hindus consider cows as holy and Muslims regard pigs as dirty, native sepoys could be expected to have reservations in its usage. The company therefore kept this fact a secret. Thus, when it came out as a rumor, it had an even more damaging effect, as all kinds of rumors started spreading. For instance, it was thought that the British planned to make their sepoys outcaste in the society in order to force them to convert to Christianity. Another rumor said the British had manipulated the wheat flour distributed to the sepoy with bones of cows. The matters could have been worsened by the fact that an overwhleming number of sepoy in the Bengal Native Infantry was made of Brahmin sepoys from Awadh. As Brahmins are generally vegetarians and are not supposed to eat or touch meat, the resistance was even stronger.

The Commander-in-Chief, General George Anson reacted to this crisis by saying, "I'll never give in to their beastly prejudices," and despite the pleas of his junior officers, he did not compromise.

Later, the British contemplated reducing the discontent by allowing the sepoys to use their own grease made of Ghee (clarified butter). Lord Canning sanctioned a proposal of Major-General Hearsey to this effect. However, the proposal was shot down by the Meerut-based Adjutant-General of the Army Colonel C. Chester, who felt it would be tantamount to an admission of guilt and could therefore worsen the matter.[5] He falsely claimed that the sepoys had been using cartridges greased with mutton fat for years and that there was therefore no reason to give in now. This claim was however not correct as native sepoys had till then only used 'Brown Bess' Muskets for which unsmeared paper cartridges were employed. The Government, even while having every reason to know the truth, let itself be convinced and rescinded the order allowing the usage of Ghee. In fact, some historians, including contemporary observers such as Malleson ('The Indian Mutiny of 1857', edition 2005, pp. 15-31) regard an all-too-obvious contempt for the sensitivities of the Indians, displayed by some officers of the British-Indian Government, as one of the primary reasons that augmented, if not caused, the spread of the mutiny. Malleson, a British military officer stationed in 1857 in Calcutta, recounts many incidences in his analysis of the mutiny where British actions displayed a complete disregard for innocuous local norms and thus contributed to wide-spread discontentment. The Roti Rebellion', with its strong emotional elements, portrayed the spirit of the First War of Independence.

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi






Born into a modest Gujarati family, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi
was the fifth child of Karamchand and Putliba. He was born on October 2, 1869, in Porbandar, where his father was Dewan. As the youngest child, he was mischievous. As a youth, he was an average student who was very shy and unable to speak. He says he ran home from school to avoid befriending and talking to other students
During his childhood, Mohan became a victim of peer pressure. He experimented with smoking with his older brother. Both would collect the stubs after their uncle had extinguished his cigarette, remove the tobacco from them and roll a cigarettes for themselves. This did not last long because Mohan found it discomforting and distasteful. Then he experimented with meat-eating with a Muslim friend who convinced Mohan that the only reason why the English were so tall and powerful and able to rule over India was because they ate meat. Unless Indians became meat-eaters, India would never become free was his argument. For almost a year, meat-eating became a clandestine affair which entailed lies, deception and even stealing. He had to find the money to pay for the food-which meant stealing from home; he had to make excuses for not eating at home-which meant lying and deception. Soon, this became intolerable, and Mohan made a confession to his father.
Karamchand was unwell and, therefore, resting in bed. Mohan did not have the courage to tell him about his clandestine escapades, so he wrote a confession and handed it over to his father to read. Tears welled up in his father's eyes; he embraced Mohan, and both of them cried. Mohan writes in his autobiography that it felt as though their tears washed away the sin of deception that he had committed. He decided never again to indulge in such acts.

Mohan was married at the age of 13, since child marriages were prevalent then. His bride was Kastur, the daughter of Gokuldas Makanji, the Mayor of Porbandar. She was also 13 years old, and she taught Mohan his first lesson in non-violence. Mohan had no idea what the role of a husband should be, so he bought some pamphlets, which were written by male chauvinists and suggested that an Indian husband must lay down the rules for the wife to follow. Thus, Mohan laid down the first rule when he told Kastur,
"Henceforth, you will not go out of this house without my permission."
Kastur heard him quietly. She did not retort or say anything. A few days later, Mohan realized that she still flouted his rule and went out of the house to the temple and to the market and sometimes visiting friends and relatives. He confronted her that evening.
"How dare you disobey my orders?" he barked at her.
Once again, very calmly and without loosing her cool, Kastur asked: "Who is senior in this house? Are you superior to your mother? Should I tell her that I will not go out with her until you give me permission? If that is what you want let me know." She was so calm and collected that Gandhi had no answer. He never questioned her again. It is a lesson for all of us to learn. When we face such situations we retort and react angrily making the situation worse and sometimes leading to the breaking of the relationship. But calmly, with common sense, one can achieve the same results.

Although a Dewan, his father was a very generous person, and his income was spent on helping the poor and the needy. The family lived reasonably well, but there were no savings. When his father died, the family found itself in financial difficulties. By then, the British had entrenched themselves in India and controlled the affairs of the states making it difficult for a person to inherit his father's job. In the old days in India, a son usually took over when the father retired or died. The British, however, wanted people who were "qualified" for the job, so none of the sons could become Dewan of Porbandar after Karamchand's death.

The family faced severe economic problems after Karamchand's death in 1885. The brothers-Laxmidas and Karsandas-did not have jobs, and there was no hope of any of them inheriting the title of Dewan. The older brothers learned to write legal briefs and earned a little to sustain the large family. None of them were educated beyond elementary school, so the burden of resurrecting the family fortunes fell on Mohan. Although his mother and other family elders could not contemplate his going abroad for further studies, the advice of more liberal counselors was that Mohan must go to England and study law. With the British entrenched in India, they were going to demand academic qualifications for all jobs.
Reluctantly, and after many promises, Mohan was allowed to go to England. He not only studied law but came in close touch with many eminent philosophers and thinkers and spent many hours a day in discussions. He was able to absorb a great deal from them and it was this group which contained George Bernard Shaw and others who one day asked Mohan to read with them the Bhagwad Gita and explain it to them. Mohan was ashamed that he had never read the scripture himself and did not know Sanskrit to be able to read the original. Instead, he read with them Edwin Arnold's English translation of the Gita-The Song Celestial-which revealed to him the richness of Hindu scriptures.

Mohan was impressed not only by the reading of the Gita but by the "friendly" study that this group of Englishmen were trying to make of other scriptures. Mohan's motto in life, "A friendly study of all scriptures is the sacred duty of every individual." was born in England during this educational tour. He studied all the religions of the world and found there was a great deal in each one of them for all of us to absorb in our own lives. His respect for different religions and willingness to study them with an open mind is what broadened his perspective and enriched his mind.

He returned from England in 1891 very much a "brown sahib." He tried to introduce his western habits in his traditional home in Porbandar and, indeed, spent so much time and energy in this pursuit that he forgot that he had to set up a legal practice and start earning to support the family. Weeks passed and once again it was Kastur who opened his eyes to his responsibilities when she gently chided him for his futile attempts to westernize the family rather than earning money to support it.

For someone as shy and timid as Mohan, setting up a legal practice was not easy. He was not successful in Porbandar, so he went to Bombay and met with no success there either. He tried to get a job as a school teacher to teach English but was astounded to learn that he did not have the requisite qualifications to teach English, only to practice law in English. After struggling for several months, he decided to go back to Porbandar and do what his brothers were doing- write legal briefs. His brothers were very disappointed, especially since the family had taken enormous loans to send Mohan to England to study. How would they repay the loans if Mohan was going to end up writing briefs?

Laxmidas had a Muslim friend, Dada Abdullah, who had gone to South Africa and made a lot of money as a trader. He now had a legal case with another Muslim trader which had been going on for a long time without resolution. Both traders had white, English-speaking lawyers, and since neither of them could speak English, communication was very poor. Dada Abdullah heard about Mohan through his brother and invited Mohan to come to South Africa on a one-year contract to work as an interpreter for him.

Mohan once again left India in 1893 to go to another new part of the world to try his luck. The urgency of finding a job and making money was impressed upon him, and he was conscious of his responsibilities, but he was also conscious of his "status" in life as an England-trained Barrister-at-Law. Consequently, a week after his arrival, when it was time for Mohan to go to Pretoria to attend the case in the Supreme Court, Mohan decided he must travel by first class. Anything lower than that would be undignified. He ordered his ticket by mail.
There were so many coincidences in Mohan's life that seemed to nudge him towards a transformation from a mere Mohan to Gandhiji. Had he not gone to England, had he not been exposed to English intellectuals, had he not studied law, had he not been a failure in India, had he become a school teacher, had he not accepted the invitation to South Africa, had he not had that false sense of dignity and, above all, and had South African whites not had aggravating racial prejudices, we would not be writing or reading about Gandhi today. It was the cumulative effect of all these and many other little coincidences that conspired to give us the "Apostle of Peace".

The transformative experience was when he encountered a white co-passenger who boarded the train in Pietermaritzburg, who seeing a "black" Mohan sitting in a first class compartment, reacted with a total lack of dignity. Mohan was picked up and thrown off the train for refusing to vacate the first class compartment. This humiliation, Gandhi wrote later, first caused him to react in anger with a desire to respond violently. He saw the futility of such action and rejected it. The next thought was to leave South Africa and go back to India where he felt he could live in greater dignity and honor but rejected that also because he felt that it was not appropriate to run away from a problem. Besides, I feel that at the back of his mind was the overriding question, "What will I tell my wife and family? That I have failed once again?"

The third thought, which occurred to him as the dawn was breaking over Pietermaritzburg on that fateful day, was to seek justice through non-violent action. This is the point at which "satyagraha" was born. He used it effectively in South Africa for 22 years and won many concessions for his fellow Indians. The government, however, reneged on these concessions after Mohan left South Africa in 1915. There are those who wonder why Mohan did not fight the cause of the African natives of South Africa. Some historians have uncharitably labeled Gandhiji as a "racist", but I think they miss a very important point.
Gandhiji was unfamiliar with South Africa and the conditions and the language of the native Africans. He was also equally unfamiliar with the philosophy of non-violence which was being evolved one campaign at a time. It was hard enough for him to convince his own people about this philosophy without having to translate it for the native Africans who were known for their militancy.

Much later, in 1939, when he was much wiser and more confident about his philosophy of satyagraha, he told a delegation of African American leaders led by Dr. Howard Thurman that he had to prove the success of his philosophy to his own people in India before bringing it to the United States. This was in response to Dr. Thurman's invitation to Gandhiji to lead the civil rights movement in the United States.

If he was so reluctant to enlarge the scope of his philosophy in 1939, how could he consider getting the native Africans involved thirty years earlier? I think it was more his sense of prudence than his prejudice that kept him away from dealing with the native African problems. In 1906 he witnessed the "Zulu War" closely as a Red Cross volunteer caring for the injured and the dead, mostly Zulus. He writes about this experience with total disgust. He had witnessed what was conventional war at the time and knew that there were certain rules that the soldiers observed. In the Zulu war he saw the British flouting all decency and decorum and massacring the Zulus mercilessly. They were hunted down like animals and butchered by the British. Until this event he was an admirer of western civilization. Now a crack had been formed, and this widened into a gulf after his visit to England in 1909 to plead the case of the Indians in South Africa. When he found the British politicians dismissing everything he had to say with contempt, he was filled with a total revulsion for western civilization
On his journey back from London to Cape Town-about 15 days by ship--he was overcome by a desire to write his first book "Hind Swaraj" formulating a plan for independent India. The obsession was so great that he began writing on the ship stationary with a pencil. The thoughts were coming so furiously that he could not stop writing. When his right hand began to ache, he switched to writing with his left. The book was completed before he reached Cape Town and became distinguished for its anti-western civilization message. He asked India to reject western civilization completely because it had nothing worthwhile to offer. He entered a period of exclusivism.

In 1915, Gandhiji decided he would gain nothing for Indians outside India as long as Indians within India remained subjects of British Imperialism. They must be liberated first for Indians elsewhere to gain any respect or equality. Thus, he decided to move to India and explore ways in which he could participate in the freedom struggle.

He entrusted his work in South Africa and the Phoenix Settlement Ashram that he started in 1903 to the care of Mr. Albert West and Mr. Henry Polak, two British friends who had worked with him closely in South Africa. The whole family left South Africa in 1914 with Gandhiji, Kasturba and Hermann Kallenbach, and another Jewish South African friend going to England and the rest of the family sailing for India. Gandhiji wanted to help with the war effort in England, but soon after his arrival, he was struck by pneumonia and almost bed-ridden. For a while Kasturba nursed him and participated in sewing uniforms for English soldiers, but when the doctors realized the British winter was not going to help Gandhiji overcome his ailment, they suggested he leave for India
Kallenbach wanted to accompany them to India, but as a German Jew he was not given a visa by the British and so he had to return to South Africa. Gandhiji and Kasturba arrived in India and were given a welcome they had not anticipated. Gandhiji was not aware that his reputation had preceded him. He became a national leader on arrival. Gopalkrishna Gokhale, Gandhiji's political mentor in India, advised Gandhiji to spend a year traveling around India learning about the problems and making contact with the people. After his travels, he started an ashram at Bochraj in Gujarat and later was induced to visit Champaran in Bihar. The emissary of the poor and exploited peasants of Champaran was so persistent that Gandhiji could not refuse him. When Gandhiji went there and saw the conditions, he was shocked beyond belief and launched a legal campaign that forced the British farmers to abandon their exploitation and give relief to the peasants. It was his first significant and major victory in India achieved through non-violence. This incidence catapulted Gandhiji to the national scene.

In 1919 he launched a national campaign against the Rowlatt Act which was designed by the British to oppress and suppress the Indians and their desire for independence. The movement generated some violence in parts of the country, especially in the north. In Punjab some misguided youth attacked a British school teacher and pushed her around. The British government appointed General Dyer as the military governor of the State of Punjab with the authority to ruthlessly curb all defiance of authority. He imposed martial law, prohibiting the assembly of more than five people and suspending all civil liberties in the state.

On April 13, 1919, more than ten thousand men, women and children assembled in the Jallianwala bagh in the heart of the city of Amritsar to non-violently protest against the martial law. General Dyer was unwilling to tolerate such an act of defiance. He brought in his troops, blocked off the only exit from the walled ground and ordered the troops to shoot into the crowd. Within an hour 386 men, women and children lay dead and 1605 were critically injured. These were the British figures of casualties while the India figures are very different. The Indians place the number of dead beyond 1,000. However, General Dyer followed with more draconian laws like commanding all Indians to crawl on their bellies when passing the street where the English school teacher was assaulted. Anyone who refused would be flogged to death. He also ordered that the injured in the firing should not be attended to by anyone for the next 72 hours, even if they died. This incident raised so much anger in India that a violent revolution could very easily have resulted, but Gandhiji stepped in to calm the people. He said we can not be to the British as they have been to us. It will not make us any different from them. The civilized thing to do is not to ever stoop down to the level of the oppressor, but to try at all times to raise the oppressors to new heights of awareness. This is the point at which Gandhiji reverted back to inclusivity. He urged Indians to remember that we must not only liberate ourselves politically but also liberate ourselves spiritually. Swaraj, he said, is not just external freedom; it is also internal freedom. Aldous Huxley, the eminent British historian, is perhaps the only one who has recognized the fact that in liberating India non-violently, Gandhiji also liberated the British from their own imperialism. In other words, the non-violent campaign in India elevated the British to a new awareness of themselves.
However, after the 1919 campaign, the next major campaign was the Salt March in 1930. There were many smaller campaigns in between. The Salt March once again focused the attention of the world on India's struggle for freedom. Instead of arousing derision or indifference as most violent freedom struggles around the world do, the Indian struggle evoked world sympathy. Suffering has a tendency to do that. The British were lacksadasical about this campaign. They did not think that the defiance of the tax on salt would arouse such emotions all over India and the world. They were not prepared for the consequences. The whole nation stood up in defiance of the British, and as some historians put it, another nail was hammered into the British coffin. Again what followed was smaller campaigns at regional levels until 1942, when the Congress passed the "Quit India" resolution. This campaign again roused national consciousness and the jails were filled to the brim. Gandhiji and his party were imprisoned in Aga Khan Palace near Pune. It was not a palace in the accepted sense, and only a part of it was cordoned off and used as a jail. Kasturba died in prison in 1944. This was a great blow for Gandhiji.

Throughout his campaign for freedom, Gandhiji was concerned about the divisions in India which were exacerbated by the British who followed the "Divide and Rule" policy. There was the serious division between Hindus and Muslims and within the Hindus between the various castes. Short of leading a major revolution to bring about unity, Gandhiji did everything he could to break down the barriers and build bridges. He realized that political freedom from the British would be meaningless so long as we hated each other and were willing to kill because of our prejudices. Through fasts, through education, through example, through preaching he tried his best to teach the people to respect and appreciate each other
In 1935, Gandhiji realized the Indian National Congress had no intentions of pursuing his policy of non-violence after independence. He resigned his membership. The Congress, however, was unwilling to let go of his leadership of the freedom struggle. In the forties when independence became a possibility, the British opposed partition of the country to create Pakistan. Gandhiji was against this, but the Congress was inclined to accept it. When Gandhiji proposed allowing the Muslim League to form the interim government to placate its fears of Hindu domination, the Congress Party leadership threatened a civil war.

The Congress leadership claimed the people would not accept this plan and there would be civil war. The question is were the leaders right in presuming how the people would react or could they have supported Gandhi in explaining to the people the wisdom of remaining one country and giving the plan a fair opportunity to prove its efficacy? There is the underlying feeling that the leadership was not willing to accept the plan so why take it to the people at all. At this point Gandhi gave up discussing the partition of the country and left it to the leaders and the British to do what they felt was right. The rest is history. The country was partitioned; there was a civil war which left both countries with a legacy of hate that will take centuries to heal. Was the price worth it? Could we have paid the same price for a unified country? Would the long-term results have been different? These are questions that can not be answered.
Bapu lost his desire to live. Until this point whenever anyone asked him how long he would like to live, he would say with a smile: I would like to live for 125 years because there is so much I need to accomplish. He had a zest for life and a mission that he wanted to see fulfilled. By 1946, this came to a sad end and he began speaking of death. Yet, he never showed outwardly the despondency that he must have felt within. He still continued to work, and he continued to guide people in their work for social and economic resurgence of India. He even went to Noakhali in Bengal that became East Pakistan, where rioting was at its worst on the eve of partition. Hindus and Muslims were literally butchering each other and some of the worst acts of inhumanity took place in this area. He went with a handful of helpers and brought about peace and sanity in the area. An accomplishment that was recognized by Lord Mountbatten when he wrote his biography was that Gandhi brought peace all by himself in East Pakistan while the Indian Army had to kill and crush many thousands in West Pakistan before peace was accomplished.

The assassination of Gandhiji was ironically engineered by the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) because it felt Gandhiji had agreed to the creation of Pakistan. It had made an avowed and ambitious program to reunite its country. Yet, had it not been for its militancy during the 1946/47 negotiations, India may have been one country. The RSS is to shoulder the entire blame for creating an atmosphere of violence and revenge in the country that made it impossible for sanity to prevail.
Having accepted partition, the Congress leadership tacitly accepted the consequences of partition. The bloodshed, the loss of lives and property on both sides were to be expected. No one was going to be uprooted from places where he/she had lived for generations with a smile and move to another place. For the Congress leadership to then succumb to militant Hindu demand that the cash assets due to Pakistan be confiscated to compensate the Hindus who lost their lives and property was unethical to say the least. They were playing populist politics without considering the long term consequences of their action. Gandhiji said if my country is to embark on its new and independent life on a blatantly immoral act then I would prefer death. He fasted and forced the government to release the money to Pakistan. Had the government kept the money as the RSS demanded, there would have been a worse civil war than the country had witnessed and India would have had no moral grounds to stand on when the international community judged the situation. We had lost our senses then but had we held onto the money, we would have lost our souls also.

Within the country, in the bureaucracy and in the government, there was not much enthusiasm for Gandhiji's life. Secretly, everyone was interested in making him a martyr. A martyred Gandhi was more beneficial to the rulers than a living Gandhi. The bureaucracy had already experienced and enjoyed a princely lifestyle under the British which they were unwilling to give up. The politicians were eager to be participants in such a life. Gandhiji opposed this wholeheartedly, and had he lived long enough, he would most certainly have pressured the government to adopt a more simple lifestyle. He often said the government of independent India must reflect the poverty of the nation. The politicians and the bureaucrats, on the other hand, were eager to replace the British and maintain the oppressive and opulent structure created by the British.

Gandhiji was assasinated on January 30, 1948 at Delhi, India.

Pt. Madan Mohan Malaviya


Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya was the founder of Banaras (Hindu) University which stands as an enduring memorial to his foresight, educational ideals, and passion for Indian culture. Malaviyaji attended the Congress session from 1886 to 1936 and presided over the sessions of 1909 and 1918. In his presidential address at the Lahore session he declared that "it is righteousness alone that wins."
Born at Allahabad in an orthodox Brahmin family, young Malaviya had his early education in Sanskrit. He graduated from the Calcutta University in 1884 and started his career as a teacher. He edited a Hindu weekly called "Hindustan" and an English weekly called "Indian Union."

Malaviyaji was the Vice Chairman of the Allahabad Municipality and member of the provincial Legislative Council and of the Imperial Legislative Council. He was a gifted speaker. He was a member of the Indian Industrial Commission in 1916. He attended the Round Table Conference in London in 1931

The "Spotless Pandit," as Malaviyaji was described by a member of the Viceroy's Executive Council, was the epitome of selfless service in the cause of the nation. Though orthodox in his personal habits, Malaviyaji was for removing the disabilities of women and the depressed classes of people.



25.12.1861 Born in Allahabad

1878 Marriage with Kundan Devi in Mirzapur

1884 B.A. from Calcutta University

July 1884 Teacher in Allahabad District School

December 1886 IInd Congress in Calcutta under
chairmanship of Dadabhai Nouroji. Speech on the issue of representation in Councils

July 1887 Editorship of the Hindosthan in Kalakankar. Founding conference of Bharat Dharma Mandal

July 1889 Leaving editorship joins LL.B. in Allahabad

1891 Passing LL.B. starts practice in Allahabad District Court

December 1893 Practice at Allahabad High Court

March 1898 Submits memorandum about Hindi to U.P. Lt. Governor

1902-1903 Construction of Hindu Boarding House in Allahabad

1903-1912 Service to province as member of Provincial Council

1904 Proposal of establishing university under chairmanship of Kashi Naresh

January 1906 Convened Sanatan Dharma Mahasabha on Kumbh in Allahabad.
Propagation of liberal Sanatan Dharma. Decision to open university in Banaras

1907 Editorship of the Abhyudaya. Propagation of Sanatan Dharma and democratic principles

1909 Ediotrship of the English daily Leader. Chaired the Lahore Congress

October 1910 Presidential address in Ist Conference of Hindi Sahitya Sammelan

22.11.1911 Formation of the Hindu University Society

December 1911 At 50 gave up practice. Decision to serve country and work for establishing the university

February 1915 Formation of Prayaga Seva Samiti under his chairmanship

October 1915 The Banarans Hindu University Bill passed

04 Feb- 1916 Foundation ceremony of the university


March 1916 Bill against Indentured Labour system in Councils

1916-18 Member, Industrial Commission


1918 Formation of Scout Association by Seva Samiti

December 1918 Chaired Annual Congress Conference in Delhi
Feburary 1919 Debate on the Rowlett Bill in Council. Resignation from Council

Nov. 1919-Sep. 1939 Vice Chancellor, B.H.U.


19 April 1919 Chaired Hindi Sahitya Sammelan in Bombay

January 1922 Convened all party conference

16 December 1922 Speech on Hindu Muslim goodwill in Lahore

1924 Formation of Independent Party in District and Assembly .
Satyagraha on Sangam [Confluence of rivers] in Allahabad. Debate on the Steel Conservation Bill

August 1926 Formation of Congress Independent Party with Lala Lajpat Rai

February 1927 Statement before Agriculture Commission

December 1929 Convocation address in BHU. Asked students to serve nation and be patriot

1930 Resigns from Assembly. Arrested in Delhi. Six months sentence

5 April 1931 Speech on Hindu Muslim Unity in Kanpur

1931 Took part with Gandhi in the London Round Table Conference

March 1932 Formation of All India Swadeshi Union in Banaras

20 April 1932 Nominated President of Delhi Congress. Arrested

September 1932 Chaired meeting on emancipation of outcasts in Bombay

April 1932 As Calcutta Congress President arrested in Asansole

August 1934 Speech on emancipation of the outcasts in Gandhi's meeting in Banaras

January 1936 Convened Sanatan Dharma Mahasabha Conference in Allahabad. Proposal for emancipation of outcasts

1938 K??alpa [Ayurvedic rejuvenation therapy]

November 1939 Appointed life Rector of BHU

1941 Founded Goraksha Mandal

January 1942 Gandhi's convocation address on Silver Jubilee of BHU

12 November -1946 Passed Away

Mahadeo Govind Ranade


At the age of six, Ranade was sent to a Marathi school in Kolhapur, and in 1851, when he was nine, he was transferred to an English school. Ranade completed his schooling at the Elphinstone Institute, Bombay. His academic performance was so good that within a year he was admitted into the prestigious Elphinstone College, Bombay. Ranade was a scholar. He spent hours reading with utmost concentration, not stopping to relax or socialize.Ranade was among the 21 students who appeared in the Matriculation Examination held in Bombay in 1859. He achieved distinctions in all his degree courses, commencing with B.A. Honors in 1862, M.A. in 1864 and LL.B. and LL.B. Honors in 1864 and 1865 respectively. Almost throughout his academic career he was a scholarship-holder.

He began his days with prayers and hymns of Maratha saints like Tukaram, Ramdas and Namdev. Often the beauty of the hymns made him emotional and tears would fill his eyes. He made a deep study of the Vedas and other texts of the Hindu religion. He studied other religions, particularly Christianity. He came to the conclusion that Hinduism needed to be approached in a more rational manner. He wanted reforms in the beliefs, customs and practices of the Hindus as a whole. His desire was to bring back the piety and spirituality which was basic to Hinduism. When the Prathna Samaj began holding prayer meetings, he attended regularly and even started conducting a weekly service with sermons based on the teachings of saints like Eknath, Tukaram, Namdev, Ramdas and books like the Bhagvad Gita, Upanishads and the Bible. Ranade believed in the existence of one God capable of molding mans destiny like "clay in the hands of a potter."While in college, Ranade joined the Dnyan Prasarak Sabha, founded in 1848 by students of the Elphinestone College. He wrote articles and gave speeches on social and economic problems of India. In his 1860 article "The Maratha Princes, Jagirdars and Inamdars," he criticized their extravagant lifestyles and laid stress on their education.

Ranade became a proponent of the Vidhava-vivaha Uttejaka Mandali (Society for the Encouragement of Widow-remarriage) founded in 1845 by English and Sanskrit scholar, Vishnushastri Pandit. Ranade was also actively involved with the Prathna Samaj, which was similar to the Brahmo Samaj movement in Bengal. Ranade gave the Samaj his best in forwarding social reforms like inter-dining and inter- marriage, widow re-marriage, upliftment of women and the depressed classes. Ranade helped found the Indian National Social Conference to function like the social wing of the Indian National Congress. The Conference aimed at educating women, prevent child marriage and oppose the dowry system.

Ranade's stress on education of women was ill received by the conservatives in the community. Even the ladies in his own house were furious at the prospect of his wife, Ramabai receiving English lessons. A crisis occurred when Ranade prepared Ramabai to deliver an address in English at a public meeting called for starting a high school for girls in Poona. The school was started at Huzur Paga, Poona on some land allotted by a friend William Wedderburn. The orthodox Hindus went into a frenzy at the establishment of the school. Ranade bore the criticism quietly.Ranade decided to join Government service, rather then starting his own law practice, after passing his LL.B. Honors. He started working as a Marathi translator in 1866 in the Education Department of the Government of Bombay. Ranade was appointed the Karbhari for a few months in the Akalkot State, in 1867. In the September of that year, he accepted the position of Judge in Kolhapur State. The next year he joined the Elphinstone College where he remained till 1871, as the professor of English Literature and History.In November 1871 he took up a new assignment in Poona as the acting Subordinate Judge from where he was transferred to Nasik in 1878 because of his links to the "seditious" Sarvajanik Sabha. In 1872, Ranade directed the workers of the Sarvajanik Sabha to hold a survey of the various districts of Maharashtra concentrating on the economic conditions of the people. The information documented was compiled in a report and submitted to the Government. The report conveyed that the revenue policy of the Government was one of the major causes for the existing poverty. In 1875 Ranade drafted a memorandum requesting for a responsible government in India. In 1876, the year when the title of Empress was conferred on Queen Victoria, Ranade requested the representation of Indians in the British Parliament with equal political and social statues as other British citizens, and the right to self-government. This was the first time such a direct approach had been taken in the Indian freedom struggle thus far.

That year a severe famine broke out in Maharashtra. The Sabha leapt into action. Beside providing relief, Ranade directed a group of social workers to go to the famine stricken areas and get first hand information from village officials like the Kulkarni (in charge of maintaining the accounts of all the cultivations), postmaster and others. He pointed out that the famine relief efforts were inadequate and directly blamed the Governor of Bombay for not taking steps to alleviate the effects of the famine.

In 1881 he was given the position of Special Sub-Judge in Poona which gave him the opportunity to come closer to the poor farmers and assist in settling land related disputes.

In 1885, Ranade was appointed Law Member of the Bombay Legislative Council. He was re-assigned to the position in 1890 and 1893. Ranade became an unofficial member of the Congress and supported it through its infancy. He attended every session and suggested that the Congress should embrace the cause of political as well as social reform. He advocated reform via constitutional methods and a gradual move toward freedom unlike the Extremists, like Bal Gangadhar Tilak, who wanted immediate liberation from the British. Thus formed two camps in the Congress, the Moderates under the leadership of Ranade and his disciple Gokhale and Extremists, under Tilak and Ghosh.

While in the Legislative Council, Ranade wrote the "Rise and Fall of the Maratha Power" with Chatrapati Shivaji as the key figure. The same year he published an "Introduction to the Satara Rajas" and "The Peshwa Diaries." Ranade studied the economies of Switzerland, France, Italy and Belgium and made comparisons with the Indian economy. He felt the fragile state of the economy was because of the over-dependence on agriculture -an occupation that suffered from drawbacks like floods, droughts, famines, heavy taxation and inadequate irrigation facilities and relief measures during famines. Ranade noted that "fifty years ago, India clothed herself with her own manufacturers and now she is clothed by her distant masters."

Ranade stressed on the development of indigenous small industries. He forwarded the idea for the establishment of agricultural banks by the Government, to give loans directly to the peasants.

From 1893 to 1900, Ranade served on the bench of the Bombay High Court where he took several steps to the liberalize the Hindu Law with regard to women's rights.

Ranade died on January 16, 1901 of now common ailment angina pectoris.